Come In, Lassie!
By Lillian Ross, New Yoker, February 14, 1948
Hollywood is baffled by the question of what
the Committee on un-American Activities wants from it. People here are
wondering, with some dismay and anxiety, what kind of strange, brooding
alienism the Committee is trying to eliminate from their midst and, in fact,
whether it was ever here. They are waiting hopefully for Chairman J. Parnell
Thomas, or Congress, or God, to tell them. They have been waiting in vain ever
since last November, when eight writers, a producer, and a director—often
collectively referred to these days as “the ten writers”—were blacklisted by
the studios because they had been charged with contempt of Congress for
refusing to tell the Thomas Committee what political party, if any, they belong
to. In the meantime, business, bad as it is, goes on. The place is more nervous
than usual, but it is doing the same old simple things in the same old simple
ways. The simplicities of life in Hollywood are not, of course, like those
anywhere else. This is still a special area where you get remarkable results
simply by pushing buttons; where taxi-drivers jump out of their cabs, open
their doors, and politely bow you inside; where you can buy, in “the world’s
largest drugstore,” a good-looking clock for $735; where all the lakes in the
countryside are labelled either “For Sale” or “Not for Sale;” and where guests
at parties are chosen from lists based on their weekly income brackets—low
($200–$500), middle ($500–$1,250), and upper ($1,250–$20,000). During the last
few months, party guests have tended to be politically self-conscious, whatever
their brackets, but this is not especially embarrassing in Hollywood, where it
is possible to take an impregnable position on both sides of any controversy.
At an upper-bracket party not long ago, a Selznick man introduced to me as
Merve told me that he was appalled and outraged by the blacklisting of the ten
writers. “It’s a damn shame,” Merve said, beaming at me. “Those human beings
got a right to think or believe anything without letting Washington in on their
ideas. They can’t put their ideas into Hollywood pictures. Nobody can.”
Just then, we were approached by Sam Wood, the producer, who was feeling grumpy, according to Merve, because his latest picture, “Ivy,” had cost $2,000,000 to make and was expected to gross only $1,500,000. “Glad to see you, Sam,” said Merve. “Listen, Sam, I want you to tell this young lady what you think of the way Congress investigated us here in Hollywood.”
“I say Congress ought to make everybody stand up publicly and be counted!” Mr. Wood shouted. “I say make every damn Communist stand up and be counted. They’re a danger and a discredit to the industry!” Merve continued to beam. “Make every radical, every Communist, every Socialist, and every Anarchist stand up and be counted,” he said expansively. “We ought to get every one of them out of the industry.”
The
political self-consciousness at parties is, on the whole, rather cheerful. “I
never cut anybody before this,” one actress remarked happily to me. “Now I
don’t go anywhere without cutting at least half a dozen former friends.” At
some parties, the bracketed guests break up into sub-groups, each eying the
others with rather friendly suspicion and discussing who was or was not a guest
at the white House when Roosevelt was President— one of the few criteria people
in the film industry have set up for judging whether a person is or is not a
Communist—and how to avoid becoming a Communist. Some of the stars were
investigated several years ago, when the un-American Activities Committee was headed
by Martin Dies, and the advice and point of view of these veterans are greatly
sought after. One actor who is especially in demand at social gatherings is
Fredric March, who suddenly discovered, when called to account by Mr. Dies,
that he was a Communist because he had given an ambulance to Loyalist Spain.
Dies rebuked him, and it then turned out that Mr. March had also given an
ambulance to Finland when she was at war with Russia. “I was just a big
ambulance-giver,” Mr. March said to his sub-group at a recent party, loudly
enough for other sub-groups to hear. “That’s what I told Dies. ‘I just like to
give ambulances,’ I told him, and he said, ‘Well, then, Mr. March, before you
give any more ambulances away, you go out and consult your local Chamber of Commerce
or the American Legion, and they’ll tell you whether it’s all right.’ ”
Some groups
play it safe at parties by refusing to engage in any conversation at all. They
just sit on the floor and listen to anyone who goes by with a late rumor. There
are all sorts of rumors in Hollywood right now. One late rumor is that the
newest black-market commodity in town is the labor of the ten writers, who are
reported to be secretly turning out scripts for all the major studios. Another
is that one producer is founding a film company and will have all ten of the
blacklisted men on his staff. Rumors that the F.B.I. is going to take over
casting operations at the studios are discounted by those who have lived in
Hollywood for more than fifteen years. The casting director at
Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, a fidgety, cynical, sharply dressed, red-cheeked man named
Billy Grady, Sr., who has worked in Hollywood for nearly twenty years, thinks
that it would serve J. Edgar Hoover right if the casting of actors were handed
over to the F.B.I. “Hoover thinks he’s got worries!” Grady shouted at me in a
Hollywood restaurant. “What does a G-man do? A G-man sends guys to Alcatraz!
Ha! I’d like to see a G-man find a script about Abraham Lincoln’s doctor in
which we could work in a part for Lassie. What do you find inside of Alcatraz?
Picture stars? Directors? Cameramen? No! The goddam place is full of doctor,
lawyers, and politicians. This is the fourth biggest industry in the country,
and only three men in this industry ever went to jail. There are fifty thousand
people in this industry, and all they want is the right to take up hobbies.
Spencer Tracy takes up painting. Clark Gable takes up Idaho. Dalton Trumbo, who
got the sack, takes up deep thinking. Take away their hobbies and they’re unhappy.
When they’re unhappy, I’m unhappy. For God’s sake, Tracy doesn’t paint when
he’s acting. Gable doesn’t shoot ducks. Trumbo doesn’t think when he’s writing
for pictures. I say let them keep their goddam hobbies. They’re all a bunch of
capitalists anyway.”
The order
of creation in Hollywood still works backward, and not only in the matter of
filming the end or middle of a picture before the beginning. A man who recently
had the job of working up advance interest in a yet-to-be-made picture based on
“The Robe” managed to commit the biggest Bible publisher in the country to
putting out an edition of the New Testament containing color photographs from
the film. “I get this plug in the Bible,” he said to me. “Then I hear we need
someone of the calibre of Tyrone Power to play the hero. We get Power, see?
Then we put him in the Bible. Then we put him in the picture. Only trouble is
we can’t make the picture yet. Ty is too busy.” Evidently, Communism is also
responsible for this trouble. Power, returning from a trip abroad lately,
announced that he had seen so much suffering in Europe that he had come back
determined to spend his time fighting Communism. This, as interpreted by
Louella Parsons, meant that he had given up Lana Turner for the cause.
Hollywood,
for the most part, is waiting earnestly for the Thomas Committee to define
Communism, to name at least one film it considers Communistic, and to set down
rules about what should and should not be thought about by a good American.
Until the Committee offers something helpful, however, Hollywood feels it has
no choice but to pay close attention to the counsel of Louella Parsons, Hedda
Hopper, and Jimmy Fidler, whose guidance to date has consisted of warnings that
the public will not be satisfied with the blacklisting of only ten men, that
the public wants Congress to complete its investigation of Communism in the
industry, and that all writers, actors, producers, directors, and agents who
have ever contributed so much as a nickel to the League of Women Shoppers had
better announce their political views if they know what’s good for them. Those
who fear the thunder on the Right say they are going to leave Hollywood. “I’m a
dead duck!” one sad-eyed misanthrope exclaimed to me. “All I can do now is go
someplace and raise chickens. Been thinking of doing it for nine years anyway.”
Some say they will go back to Broadway or write novels, projects they too have
been considering for nine years, more or less. A number of actors and
producers, including Charlie Chaplin, are planning to go to England, France, or
Italy, where they believe that they will be free to make the kind of pictures
they like. Jack L. Warner, busiest of the Brothers, is genially inclined to
bolster up the courage of those who are ready to throw in the towel. “Don’t
worry!” he roars, slapping the backs of the lesser men around him. “Congress
can’t last forever!”
Some people
in Hollywood like to think of it as still a place for pioneers. “We’re the
modern covered-wagon folks,” I was told by Ruth Hussey, the actress, who
returned here not long ago from an appearance on Broadway. “We are, we’re the
modern covered-wagon folks. Pioneers come out here broke, and within a few
years they’re earning fifty thousand a year.” In a way, Miss Hussey is
exceptional. Everybody else seems eager to complain about the difficulty of
making or keeping money. Studios complain about their telephone bills. Drivers
of studio cars complain that they are now being paid by the trip instead of by
the week. Santa Anita race-track officials complain that betting has fallen
off. Informal statisticians complain that only seventy-five million people a
week went to the movies in 1947 and that maybe only sixty million will go in
1948. Producers complain about bankers’ reluctance to lend them money. Bankers
complain that the revenue from American films shown overseas in 1947 was only
$100,000,000, which is $38,000,000 less than the revenue from American films
shown overseas in 1946, and that the revenue in 1948 may be as low as
$50,000,000. Both Anglophiles and Anglophobes complain about the British import
tax, imposed last August, which would confiscate seventy-five per cent of the
English earnings of any American film imported since then. Studio executives
complain about production costs and overhead, and studio workers complain about
being laid off to cut down on production costs and overhead. The employment of
actors and writers is said to be the lowest in twenty years. As of the first of
the year, twenty-three feature pictures were in production, as against twice
that number in January of last year. “Hollywood is girding its loins,” a
representative of the Motion Picture Association of America said to me.
“Hollywood is pulling in its belt. Hollywood is pinching its pennies, taking
stock of its cupboards, buckling down, putting its shoulder to the wheel and
its nose to the grindstone, and looking deep within itself. Hollywood is
worrying about the box office.”
Almost the
only motion-picture star who is taking conditions in his stride is Lassie, a
reddish-haired male collie, who is probably too mixed up emotionally over being
called by a girl’s name to worry about the box office. Lassie is working more
steadily, not only in films but on the radio, than anyone else in Hollywood. He
is a star at M-G-M, the leading studio in Hollywood, which is fondly referred
to out here as the Rock of Gibraltar. Visitors there are politely and
desperately requested not to discuss politics or any other controversial
matters with anyone on the lot. Louis B. Mayer, production chief of M-G-M,
recently took personal command of the making of all pictures, of the purchase
of all scripts, and of the writing of all scripts and commissary menus. The
luncheon menu starts off with the announcement that meat will not be served on
Tuesdays. “President Truman has appealed to Americans to conserve food, an
appeal all of us will gladly heed, of course,” it says. Patrons are politely
and desperately encouraged to eat apple pancakes or broiled sweetbreads for
lunch. Lassie eats apple pancakes for lunch. Visitors are politely and
desperately introduced to Lassie, who ignores them. “We’d be in a hole if we
didn’t have Lassie,” I heard an M-G-M man say. “We like Lassie. We’re sure of
Lassie. Lassie can’t go out and embarrass the studio. Katharine Hepburn goes
out and makes a speech for Henry Wallace. Bang! We’re in trouble. Lassie
doesn’t make speeches. Not Lassie, thank God.” At the moment, Lassie is making
a picture with Edmund Gwenn about a country doctor in Scotland. Originally, the
script called for a country doctor in Scotland who hated dogs, but a part has
been written in for Lassie, the plot has been changed, and the picture is to be
called “Master of Lassie.” “It will help at the box office,” Lassie’s director
says. Only three other pictures are in production at M-G-M, the biggest of them
being a musical comedy called “Easter Parade,” starring Fred Astaire and having
to do with Easter on Fifth Avenue at the beginning of the century. One of
Lassie’s many champions at M-G-M told me that he had favored writing in a part
for Lassie in “Easter Parade” but that he had dropped the idea. “I couldn’t
find a good Lassie angle,” he explained.
The most
noticeable effect on Hollywood of the Thomas Committee investigation is,
perhaps, an atmosphere of uncertainty. A man I know named Luther Greene, who
belongs to what he calls the C.I.S. (“the cheap international set,” he says. I
just get passed around from party to party”), took me one evening to a small
gathering at the Beverly Hills home of N. Peter Rathvon, a former New York
attorney and investment banker who is now president of R.K.O. Greene and
Rathvon, it seemed, thought that I might find an evening in the Rathvon
household instructive. Rathvon is a mannerly, mild, yet stubborn little man, with
the unwavering enthusiasm of a film-magazine fan for the movies. He has been
converted, he says, to Hollywood’s suburban family life. “People enjoy having
babies out here,” he says. “They enjoy inviting each other to dinner and
sitting in the sunshine. That’s life.” Rathvon has two daughters and a son,
rarely dines in a restaurant, and takes a sun bath at least once a week. Two of
the ten men who were cited with contempt by Congress—Adrian Scott and Edward
Dmytryk—worked at his studio, and it was he who had to inform them that they
had brought disgrace upon R.K.O. and to dismiss them, a task he did not relish.
After dinner, there was, as there is every evening the Rathvons are at home, a
movie. That evening it was “Good News,” which deals with college life. After
the showing, one of Rathvon’s daughters, who goes to the Westlake School for
Girls, denounced it as positively silly. Rathvon posted himself behind a small
bar and made drinks for everybody. Then he offered to show Greene and me around
his house. “Charles Boyer used to live here,” he said. “It’s an odd sensation,
very odd, to live in a house Charles Boyer used to live in.” He led us up a
narrow spiral staircase, like those in lighthouses, to a bedroom with blond,
primavera-panelled walls and another small bar. “This was Charles Boyer’s
bedroom,” he said. “It’s my bedroom now.” Greene told Rathvon that I had heard
a lot about the movable glass roof over the patio of the house, and asked him
to show me how it worked. Our host took us downstairs, pushed a button in the
patio, and then seemed to stop breathing. The glass roof overhead slid back,
exposing the heavens. He pushed another button and watched anxiously as the
roof moved back into place. “I used to be fond of playing with this,” he said.
“These days, I never know whether it’s going to come back.”
Later, after a prolonged discussion of Charles Boyer’s acting, Charles Boyer’s reading habits, and Charles Boyer’s intelligence, someone said that Charles Boyer, together with several hundred other stars, had signed a statement protesting that the Thomas Committee investigation was unfair and prejudiced. “What about that, Peter?” Greene asked. “A lot of people in your business feel that a man’s politics has nothing to do with his work in pictures. Why, Scott and Dmytryk made ‘Crossfire’ for you on a shoestring—five hundred and ninety-five thousand dollars. Took them twenty-two days. You’ll gross three million on that picture. For heaven’s sakes, why fire the men?”
“I sure hated to lose those boys,” Rathvon said miserably. “Brilliant craftsmen, both of them. It’s just that their usefulness to the studio is at an end. Would you like to go out on the terrace and look down on the lights of Hollywood?” Everyone said yes, and we all went out on the terrace to look down on the lights of Hollywood. On our way home, Greene said that his social evenings were becoming more and more of a strain. “Everyone spends the night looking at those goddam lights,” he said unhappily. “I think I’ll go to Lady Mendl’s tomorrow.”
The Screen
Writers Guild a while back voted to intervene as amicus curiae in the civil
suits that five of the ten blacklisted men have brought against their studios
for breaking their contracts. It also decided to decline an invitation of the
Association of Motion Picture Producers to coöperate in eliminating subversives
from the studios. The Guild agreed, in addition, to oppose the blacklisting of
writers because of their political views, as long as those views do not violate
the law. On the other hand, the Guild turned down a proposal by some of its
members to give financial and public-relations support to the ten men in their
trials for contempt. The Motion Picture Association of America, which voted
with the Producers’ Association to blacklist the ten men and not to employ or
re-employ any one of them until he is acquitted of contempt of Congress or
swears that he is not a Communist, not long ago addressed a communication to
Adrian Scott, one of the ten. From it, Scott, who had then been out of work
about two weeks, learned that the 1947 Humanitarian Award of the Golden Slipper
Square Club, a philanthropic organization in Philadelphia, had been given to
Dore Schary, R.K.O.’s executive vice-president in charge of production, for
having made, among other pictures, “Crossfire,” which Scott produced and
Dmytryk directed. According to an inscription on the award, it was made for
Schary’s “contribution to good citizenship and understanding among men of all
religions, races, creeds, and national origins.” The award was accepted for
Schary by Eric Johnston, president of the Motion Picture Association, who told
the Philadelphians, “In Hollywood, it’s ability that counts. . . . Hollywood
has held open the door of opportunity to every man and woman who could meet its
technical and artistic standards, regardless of racial background or religious
belief.” “We’re not supposed to be useful any more because they say the public
has lost confidence in us,” one of the ten blacklisted men said to me. “But
they’re not withdrawing any of the pictures we worked on. Ring Lardner’s name
is thrown on the screen in front of the public seeing ‘Forever Amber.’ Lester
Cole’s name is up there on ‘High Wall.’ If the public has confidence in these
pictures, the public still has confidence in us.”
An
exceedingly active Hollywood agent, a woman, claims that since the start of the
Congressional investigation the studios have been calling for light domestic
comedies and have been turning down scripts with serious themes. “You might say
the popular phrase out here now is ‘Nothing on the downbeat,’ ” she said. “Up
until a few months ago, it was ‘Nothing sordid.’ ” The difference between
“Nothing sordid” and “Nothing on the downbeat,” she explained, is like the
difference between light domestic comedy and lighter domestic comedy. After the
investigation got under way, the industry called in Dr. George Gallup to take a
public poll for the studios. Dr. Gallup has now submitted figures showing that
seventy-one per cent of the nation’s moviegoers have heard of the Congressional
investigation, and that of this number fifty-one per cent think it was a good
idea, twenty-seven per cent think not, and twenty-two per cent have no opinion.
Three per cent of the fifty-one per cent approving of the investigation feel
that Hollywood is overrun with Communism. The studio executives are now
preparing a campaign to convince this splinter three per cent, and the almost
as bothersome ninety-seven per cent of the fifty-one per cent, that there is no
Communism in the industry. There is some disagreement about whether the
industry should tackle the unopinionated twenty-two per cent or leave it alone.
In the
midst of the current preoccupation with public opinion, many stars are afraid
that the public may have got a very wrong impression about them because of
having seen them portray, say, a legendary hero who stole from the rich to give
to the poor, or an honest, crusading district attorney, or a lonely, poetic,
antisocial gangster. “We’ve got to resolve any conflicts between what we are
and what the public has been led to believe we are,” one actor told me. “We
can’t afford to have people think we’re a bunch of strong men or crusaders.” At
the Warner Brothers studio, some time ago, I accepted a publicity representative’s
invitation to watch the shooting of a scene in “Don Juan,” a Technicolor
reworking of the “Don Juan” made in 1926 with John Barrymore. Filming of the
production has since been called off, owing to the illness of the star, Errol
Flynn, but he was still in good health the day I was there. “I want you to meet
Errol,” said the publicity representative. “Just don’t discuss anything serious
with him—politics, I mean.” Being a publicity man out here seems to have taken
on some of the aspects of a lawyer’s and an intelligence agent’s duties and
responsibilities. Studio visitors who are suspected of having ways of
communicating with the public are always accompanied by a publicity man, or
even two publicity men. The present-day importance of the publicity man is
indicated by the fact that a member of the trade at M-G-M now occupies the
office of the late Irving Thalberg, Thalberg still being to Hollywood what
Peter the Great still is to Russia. I asked Flynn, who stood glittering in
royal-blue tights and jerkin, golden boots, and a golden sword, how his version
of “Don Juan” compared with Barrymore’s. “That’s like comparing two grades of
cheese,” he said moodily. “The older is probably the better. But I’m trying to
make my Don Juan as human as possible. Jack’s was a tough Don Juan. Mine is
human. The script calls for one of the Spanish nobles to tell me that Spain is
going to war. ‘You’re not afraid?’ he asks me. ‘Yes, I am afraid!’ I reply. I
added that line to the script myself. I don’t want to be heroic. This picture
is definitely non-subversive.”
A Paramount
man informed me that he had the perfect solution for both the split-personality
problem and the Thomas Committee problem. “Make your pictures more of a
mish-mosh than ever!” he said, glowing all over with health, well-being, and
the resolution of a man who has at last found inner calmness. “Confuse the
enemy—that’s my technique. Confuse them all!” He has apparently confided his
formula to Ray Milland, a Paramount actor whom I came across while he was working
on “Sealed Verdict.” “My picture is politically significant,” Mr. Milland said
to me. (Paramount publicity men, like the Warner men, warn visitors not to
discuss politics with stars, but Mr. Milland brought up the subject himself.)
“This is a picture about political justice,” Milland went on. “I play Major
Robert Lawson, a brilliant young American prosecutor in the American-occupied
zone of Germany, where I am closing my case against six Nazi war criminals,
including General Otto Steigmann, whose war crimes against humanity were most
revolting. I get Steigmann condemned to death by hanging, and then I am visited
by a beautiful French model named Themis Delisle, and I fall in love with her.
No, first Themis Delisle tells me that Steigmann is innocent, then I fall in
love with her. My young aide, Private Clay Hockland, has been having an affair
with a seventeen-year-old German girl, who is pregnant and shoots Private
Hockland and then becomes seriously ill, although Private Hockland is also
seriously ill after the Fräulein shoots him.” Milland was interrupted by a man
who wanted to comb his hair. “Later,” Milland said to him, and firmly continued
telling me about Private Hockland’s death, the assorted difficulties of the
ladies in the cast, and the problem of getting penicillin in the black market
for the Fräulein. He was interrupted periodically by the man who wanted to comb
his hair, but he proceeded unswervingly to a castle, for the hanging of General
Steigmann. “I tell the General his mother has snitched on him,” Milland said,
“but he boasts that Hitlerite Germany will rise again. I knock him to the floor
and take a vial of poison from a scar on his cheek, for Themis Delisle has
revealed his last and most dramatic secret. Steigmann confesses his guilt, and
Themis returns to France to defend herself, but she leaves with the promise
that a certain brilliant young American lawyer—me—will be fighting on her
team.” Milland beckoned to the man with the comb. “Now,” he concluded
belligerently, “I’d like to see the Thomas Committee find anything in that.”
Walter
Wanger, head of Walter Wanger Pictures, Inc., maintains that the public has an
unjustifiably poor opinion of Hollywood, and one day, trailing the inevitable
publicity man, he took me to his studio commissary to tell me about the
progress the industry has made since he got into it, twenty-five years ago. “In
those days, we couldn’t even have an unhappy ending,” he said. “Today, pictures
are different. Pictures have made great and wonderful contributions to the
country and to the world.” Wanger ordered coffee. Then he said that pictures
had helped raise our standard of living, had encouraged understanding among
men, and had, because of their merit and integrity, contributed to social
progress. Wanger drank his coffee. I mentioned the last two Wanger pictures I
had seen—“Arabian Nights” (love in a Baghdad harem) and “Canyon Passage”
(Technicolor on the prairie). “I made those pictures because I wanted to be a
success,” Wanger replied. “If you want to stay in this business, if you want to
make pictures that contribute to the country’s welfare, you’ve got to make
pictures that make money.”
Some
producers express the interesting point of view that there are no Communistic
pictures, that there are only good pictures and bad pictures, and that most bad
pictures are bad because writers write bad stories. “Writers don’t apply
themselves,” I was informed by Jerry Wald, a thirty-six-year-old Warner
Brothers producer, customarily described as a dynamo, who boasts that he makes
twelve times as many pictures as the average producer in Hollywood. “Anatole
France never sat down and said, ‘Now, what did a guy write last year that I can
copy this year?’ ” Wald assured me. “The trouble with pictures is they’re cold.
Pictures got to have emotion. You get emotion by doing stories on the temper of
the times.” The Congressional investigation, he said, would have no effect on
his plans for this year’s pictures on the temper of the times. These will
include one on good government (with Ronald Reagan), another about underpaid
schoolteachers (with Joan Crawford), and an adaptation and modernization of
Maxwell Anderson’s “Key Largo” (with Humphrey Bogart, Lauren Bacall, Edward G.
Robinson, and Lionel Barrymore). “Bogart plays an ejected liberal,” Wald said,
“a disillusioned soldier who says nothing is worth fighting for, until he
learns there’s a point where every guy must fight against evil.” Bogart, who
two or three months before had announced that his trip to Washington to protest
against the methods of the Thomas Committee hearings had been a mistake, was
very eager, Wald said, to play the part of an ejected liberal.
At Wald’s
suggestion, I had lunch one day with several members of the “Key Largo” cast,
its director, John Huston, and a publicity representative at the Lakeside Golf
Club, a favorite buffet-style eating place of stars on the nearby Warner lot.
The actors were in a gay mood. They had just finished rehearsing a scene (one
of the new economies at Warner is to have a week of rehearsals before starting
to film a picture) in which Bogart is taunted by Robinson, a gangster
representing evil, for his cowardice, but is comforted by the gangster’s moll,
who tells Bogart, “Never mind. It’s better to be a live coward than a dead
hero.” Bogart had not yet reached the point where a guy learns he must fight
against evil. Huston was feeling particularly good, because he had just won a
battle with the studio to keep in the film some lines from Franklin Roosevelt’s
message to the Seventy-seventh Congress on January 6, 1942: “But we of the
United Nations are not making all this sacrifice of human effort and human
lives to return to the kind of world we had after the last world war.”
“The big shots wanted Bogie to say this in his own words,” Huston explained, “but I insisted that Roosevelt’s words were better.” Bogart nodded. “Roosevelt was a good politician,” he said. “He could handle those babies in Washington, but they’re too smart for guys like me. Hell, I’m no politician. That’s what I meant when I said our Washington trip was a mistake.”
“The Great Chief died and everybody’s guts died with him,” Robinson said, looking stern.
“How would you like to see your picture on the front page of the Communist paper of Italy?” asked Bogart.
“Nyah,” Robinson said, sneering.
“The Daily Worker runs Bogie’s picture and right away he’s a dangerous Communist,” said Miss Bacall, who is, as everybody must know, Bogart’s wife. “What will happen if the American Legion and the Legion of Decency boycott all his pictures?”
“It’s just that my picture in the Daily Worker offends me, Baby,” said Bogart.
“Nyah,” said Robinson.
“Let’s eat,” said Huston.
After a while, Bogart began to complain about the iron curtain that separates the stars from the public. “There’s only four rips,” he said glumly, “four outlets through the iron curtain—Louella, Hedda, Jimmy, and Sheilah Graham. What can a guy do with only four rips?”
“Nyah,”
said Robinson.
Hollywood
has various ideas about what the iron curtain is and where it is. Twentieth
Century-Fox is making a picture called “The Iron Curtain”—about Communist
spies’ stealing atomic-bomb secrets in Canada—around which there is an iron
curtain keeping visitors from everyone and everything connected with the
picture. A Los Angeles newspaperman tried, unsuccessfully, to penetrate it. He
was investigated by a man from Twentieth Century-Fox. A lady named Margaret
Ettinger, who is generally credited with being “everybody’s press agent” and
who handles vaseline, diamonds, and Atwater Kent as well as many movie and
radio stars, says there is an iron curtain around Louella Parsons. “Louella is
my cousin, but I have a tougher time breaking into her column than into
Hedda’s,” she says. Sheilah Graham, whose syndicated column appears locally in
the Hollywood Citizen-News, in writing a few weeks ago about a certain star’s
red sweater and a certain singer’s flashy red car, remarked that the color was
still popular in Hollywood. The newspaper received a lot of letters calling
Miss Graham a Communist. One of them suggested that an iron curtain be set up
around her.
A few weeks
ago, many people in Hollywood received through the mails a booklet called
“Screen Guide for Americans,” published by the Motion Picture Alliance for the
Preservation of American Ideals and containing a list of “Do”s and “Don’t”s.
“This is the raw iron from which a new curtain around Hollywood will be
fashioned,” one man assured me solemnly. “This is the first step—not to fire
people, not to get publicity, not to clean Communism out of motion pictures but
to rigidly control all the contents of all pictures for Right Wing political
purposes.” The Motion Picture Association of America has not yet publicy
adopted the “Screen Guide for Americans” in place of its own “A Code to Govern
the Making of Motion and Talking Pictures,” which advances such tenets as “The
just rights, history, and feelings of any nation are entitled to consideration
and respectful treatment” and “The treatment of bedrooms must be governed by
good taste and delicacy.” Although it is by no means certain that the industry
has got around to following these old rules, either to the letter or in the
spirit, there is a suspicion that it may have already begun at least to
paraphrase some of the “Screen Guide’s” pronouncements, which appear under such
headings as “Don’t Smear the Free Enterprise System,” “Don’t Deify the Common
Man,” “Don’t Glorify the Collective,” “Don’t Glorify Failure,” “Don’t Smear
Success,” and “Don’t Smear Industrialists.” “All too often, industrialists,
bankers, and businessmen are presented on the screen as villains, crooks,
chiselers, or exploiters,” the “Guide” observes. “It is the moral (no, not just
political but moral) duty of every decent man in the motion picture industry to
throw into the ashcan, where it belongs, every story that smears industrialists
as such.” Another admonition reads, “Don’t give to your characters—as a sign of
villainy, as a damning characteristic—a desire to make money.” And another,
“Don’t permit any disparagement or defamation of personal success. It is the
Communists’ intention to make people think that personal success is somehow
achieved at the expense of others and that every successful man has hurt
somebody by becoming successful.” The booklet warns, “Don’t tell people that
man is a helpless, twisted, drooling, sniveling, neurotic weakling. Show the
world an American kind of man, for a change.” The “Guide” instructs people in
the industry, “Don’t let yourself be fooled when the Reds tell you that what
they want to destroy are men like Hitler and Mussolini. What they want to
destroy are men like Shakespeare, Chopin, and Edison.” Still another of the
“Don’t”s says, “Don’t ever use any lines about ‘the common man’ or ‘the little
people.’ It is not the American idea to be either ‘common’ or ‘little.’ ” This
despite the fact that Eric Johnston, testifying before the Thomas Committee,
said, “Most of us in America are just little people, and loose charges can hurt
little people.” And one powerful man here has said to me, “We’re not going to
pay any attention to the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of
American Ideals. We like to talk about ‘the little people’ in this business.”
I was given
a copy of “Screen Guide for Americans” by Mrs. Lela Rogers, one of the founders
of the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals. Mrs.
Rogers, the mother of Ginger, is a pretty, blond-haired lady with a vibrant,
birdlike manner. “A lot of people who work in pictures wouldn’t know Communism
if they saw it,” she said to me. “You think that a Communist is a man with a
bushy beard. He’s not. He’s an American, and he’s pretty, too.” The
Congressional investigation of Hollywood, Mrs. Rogers thinks, will result in
better pictures and the victory of the Republican Party in the next election.
“Last month, I spoke about Communism at a ten-dollar-a-plate dinner given by
the Republican Party,” she said. “My goodness, I amassed a lot of money for the
campaign. Now I have more speaking engagements than I can possibly fulfill.”
Mrs. Rogers is also writing screen plays. I wanted to know if she was following
the “Do”s and “Don’t”s of the “Screen Guide for Americans.” “You just bet I
am,” she said. “My friend Ayn Rand wrote it, and sticking to it is easy as pie.
I’ve just finished a shooting script about a man who learns how to live after
he is dead.”
Other
people in the industry admit that they are following the “Guide” in scripts
about the living. One man who is doing that assured me that he nevertheless
doesn’t need it, that it offers him nothing he didn’t already know. “This is
new only to the youngsters out here,” he said. “They haven’t had their profound
intentions knocked out of them yet, or else they’re still earning under five
hundred a week. As soon as you become adjusted in this business, you don’t need
the ‘Screen Guide’ to tell you what to do.” A studio executive in charge of
reading scripts believes that Hollywood has a new kind of self-censorship.
“It’s automatic, like shifting gears,” he explained. “I now read scripts
through the eyes of the D.A.R., whereas formerly I read them through the eyes
of my boss. Why, I suddenly find myself beating my breast and proclaiming my
patriotism and exclaiming that I love my wife and kids, of which I have four,
with a fifth on the way. I’m all loused up. I’m scared to death, and nobody can
tell me it isn’t because I’m afraid of being investigated.”
William
Wyler, who directed the Academy Award picture “The Best Years of Our Lives,”
told me he is convinced that he could not make that picture today and that
Hollywood will produce no more films like “The Grapes of Wrath” and
“Crossfire.” “In a few months, we won’t be able to have a heavy who is an
American,” he said. The scarcity of roles for villains has become a serious
problem, particularly at studios specializing in Western pictures, where
writers are being harried for not thinking up any new ones. “Can I help it if
we’re running out of villains?” a writer at one of these studios asked me. “For
years I’ve been writing scripts about a Boy Scout-type cowboy in love with a
girl. Their fortune and happiness are threatened by a banker holding a mortgage
over their heads, or by a big landowner, or by a crooked sheriff. Now they tell
me that bankers are out. Anyone holding a mortgage is out. Crooked public officials
are out. All I’ve got left is a cattle rustler. What the hell am I going to do
with a cattle rustler?”
Hollywood’s
current hypersensitivity has created problems more subtle than the shortage of
heavies. “Treasure of Sierra Madre,” a film about prospecting for gold, was to
have begun and ended with the subtitle “Gold, Mister, is worth what it is
because of the human labor that goes into the finding and getting of it.” The
line is spoken by Walter Huston in the course of the picture. John Huston, who directed
it, says that he couldn’t persuade the studio to let the line appear on the
screen. “It was all on account of the word ‘labor,’ ” he told me. “That word
looks dangerous in print, I guess.” He paused, then added thoughtfully, “You
can sneak it onto the sound track now and then, though.” At a preview, in
Hartford, Connecticut, of “Arch of Triumph,” attended by its director, Lewis
Milestone, and by Charles Einfield, president of Enterprise Productions, which
brought it out, the manager of the theatre asked Einfield whether it was
necessary to use the word “refugees” so often in the picture. “All the way back
to New York,” says Milestone, “Charlie kept muttering, ‘Maybe we mention the
word “refugees” too many times?’ ‘But the picture is about refugees,’ I told
him. ‘What can we do now? Make a new picture?’ ”
A Msgr.
Devlin, the Western representative of the Legion of Decency, has been on the
set of “Joan of Arc,” which is being produced by Walter Wanger and stars Ingrid
Bergman, since production started, and the services of a Father Doncoeur, of
France, were enlisted shortly afterward. The director, Victor Fleming, who
directed “Gone with the Wind,” said to me, “We’ve worked very closely with the
Catholic Church, doing it the way they want it done. We want to be sure all
these artists don’t get a bum steer.” I watched the shooting of a scene in
which Miss Bergman, supposedly dying, lay on a prison bed of straw. The Bishop
and the Earl of Warwick, her captors, leaned over her, and the Earl said, “She
must not be allowed to die. Our King has paid too much for this sorceress to
allow her to slip through our fingers.” “Cut!” Fleming shouted. “Say that as if
you mean it,” he went on frantically. “She’s valuable property! She must not be
allowed to die! We have to finish the picture with her! This picture is costing
three million dollars! Put more feeling into it! She must not be allowed to
die, goddammit!” Just before the cameras were started up again, Fleming
remarked, “ ‘Gone with the Wind’ was more fun than this. It cost about a
million and a half more than ‘Joan.’ ” Everything, apparently, used to be more
fun.
Most producers stick firmly to the line that there is no Communism whatever in the industry and that there are no Communistic pictures. “We’re going to make any kind of pictures we like, and nobody is going to tell us what to do,” I was informed by Dore Schary, the R.K.O. vice-president and winner of the Golden Slipper Square Club’s Humanitarian Award. He is a soft-spoken, unpretentious, troubled-looking man in his early forties, who might be regarded as one of Miss Hussey’s “modern covered-wagon folks.” In sixteen years, Schary pioneered from a $100-a-week job as a junior writer to his present position, which brings him around $500,000 a year. When he testified before the Thomas Committee, he said that R.K. O. would hire anyone it chose, solely on the basis of his talent, who had not been proved to be subversive. The R.K.O. Board of Directors met soon afterward and voted not to hire any known Communists. Schary then voted, like the other producers, to blacklist the ten men because they had been cited for contempt. He is talked about a good deal in Hollywood. Many of his colleagues are frequently critical of the course he has taken, and yet they understand why he has done what he’s done. “I was faced with the alternative of supporting the stand taken by my company or of quitting my job,” Schary told me. “I don’t believe you should quit under fire. Anyway, I like making pictures. I want to stay in the industry. I like it.” Schary is one of the few Hollywood executives who will talk to visitors without having a publicity man sit in on the conversation. “The great issue would have been joined if the ten men had only stood up and said whether or not they were Communists,” he continued. “That’s all they had to do. As it is, ten men have been hurt and nobody can be happy. We haven’t done any work in weeks. Now is the time for all of us to go back to the business of making pictures, good pictures, in favor of anything we please.” I asked Schary what he was planning to make this year. “I will assemble a list,” he said. He assembled the following out of his memory, and I wrote them down: “Honored Glory” (in favor of honoring nine unknown soldiers), “Weep No More” (in favor of law and order), “Evening in Modesto” (also in favor of law and order), “The Boy with Green Hair” (in favor of peace), “Education of a Heart” (in favor of professional football), “Mr. Blandings Builds His Dream House” (in favor of Cary Grant), “The Captain Was a Lady” (in favor of Yankee clipper ships), “Baltimore Escapade” (in favor of a Protestant minister and his family having fun). “Committee or no Committee,” Schary said, “we’re going to make all these pictures exactly the way we made pictures before.” ♦
Published
in the print edition of the February 21, 1948, issue, with the headline “Come
In, Lassie!.”
Lillian
Ross (1918-2017) joined the staff of The New Yorker in 1945, during the Second
World War, and worked with Harold Ross, the magazine’s founder and first
editor.
Nenhum comentário:
Postar um comentário